Pakistan in the Press
The flurry of American media coverage of Pakistan in the wake of the Bhutto assassination has been dismal to say the least. Here are some rather obvious observations:
1. No society has only one social clevage. Religion is an important aspect of identity in Pakistan, but citizens also have politically salient language, class, ideological, and sub-national identities. It is generally misleading to portray religious extremists as the only relevant political force in a country. It would be more useful to place Islamist political groups in context by showing the mediocre electoral performance of religious parties in past Pakistani elections.
2. Politics is a dirty game all around. There are no innocent actors and it is unwise to portray any politician as the "angel of democracy." Benazir Bhutto may have claimed to be in "self-imposed exile," but it is important to juxtapose that claim with the fact that she was also wanted on charges of corruption.
3. Merely because a candidate would like to be portrayed as populist and democratic does not make them so. Benazir Bhutto's claims to legitimate authority derive in some great measure from her lineage and class status. Her desire to give the mantle of party leadership to her teenage son only highlights her feudal mentality. Moreover, the fact that Bhutto agreed to allow the US to broker a power sharing deal with Musharraf casts a serious shadow over her democratic credentials.
4. Privileging political candidates who speak fluent English and share Western educational credentials is the reflection of a colonial mindset. We sow the seeds of anti-democratic discord when we place external political pressure on a government to accept a candidate that is pleasing to us as outsiders.
5. Journalists should not place their blind faith in democracy (i.e. "electocracy"). The fundamental issue in Pakistan is whether its rogue military and intelligence apparatus can be firmly placed under lawful civilian control. There is no evidence that Bhutto would have been able to achieve this goal given her past record. The other major opposition candidate, Nawaz Sharif, is even less credible in this regard. Elections by themselves will not confer sufficient legitimacy to change the dynamics of institutional power within the Pakistani state.
6. It is meaningless to repeat cliches about Pakistan as the "most dangerous place in the world." There are many dangerous and unstable places. Pakistan's government appears to still have a firm grip on power and its nuclear weapons. Yes, there are extremists in the country and the tribal regions are challenging for the state to govern... but Pakistan is not decending into chaos or "unraveling." Sensationalism may sell papers but it impedes understanding. A state enters a crisis of legitimacy when subordinate members of the state apparatus refuse to obey specific commands issued by their superiors. To the extent that the military remains obedient to the head of state, the Pakistani state is not failing.
7. Before saying that a female politician symbolizes the aspiration of Muslim women, it is probably a good idea to check her accomplishments. Pervez Musharraf may have done more for Pakistani women's rights on the issue of rape than Benazir Bhutto ever did.
8. Pakistan is not part of the Middle East; it is part of the South Asian sub-continent. This distinction matters for understanding the history, culture, and society of Pakistan.
1. No society has only one social clevage. Religion is an important aspect of identity in Pakistan, but citizens also have politically salient language, class, ideological, and sub-national identities. It is generally misleading to portray religious extremists as the only relevant political force in a country. It would be more useful to place Islamist political groups in context by showing the mediocre electoral performance of religious parties in past Pakistani elections.
2. Politics is a dirty game all around. There are no innocent actors and it is unwise to portray any politician as the "angel of democracy." Benazir Bhutto may have claimed to be in "self-imposed exile," but it is important to juxtapose that claim with the fact that she was also wanted on charges of corruption.
3. Merely because a candidate would like to be portrayed as populist and democratic does not make them so. Benazir Bhutto's claims to legitimate authority derive in some great measure from her lineage and class status. Her desire to give the mantle of party leadership to her teenage son only highlights her feudal mentality. Moreover, the fact that Bhutto agreed to allow the US to broker a power sharing deal with Musharraf casts a serious shadow over her democratic credentials.
4. Privileging political candidates who speak fluent English and share Western educational credentials is the reflection of a colonial mindset. We sow the seeds of anti-democratic discord when we place external political pressure on a government to accept a candidate that is pleasing to us as outsiders.
5. Journalists should not place their blind faith in democracy (i.e. "electocracy"). The fundamental issue in Pakistan is whether its rogue military and intelligence apparatus can be firmly placed under lawful civilian control. There is no evidence that Bhutto would have been able to achieve this goal given her past record. The other major opposition candidate, Nawaz Sharif, is even less credible in this regard. Elections by themselves will not confer sufficient legitimacy to change the dynamics of institutional power within the Pakistani state.
6. It is meaningless to repeat cliches about Pakistan as the "most dangerous place in the world." There are many dangerous and unstable places. Pakistan's government appears to still have a firm grip on power and its nuclear weapons. Yes, there are extremists in the country and the tribal regions are challenging for the state to govern... but Pakistan is not decending into chaos or "unraveling." Sensationalism may sell papers but it impedes understanding. A state enters a crisis of legitimacy when subordinate members of the state apparatus refuse to obey specific commands issued by their superiors. To the extent that the military remains obedient to the head of state, the Pakistani state is not failing.
7. Before saying that a female politician symbolizes the aspiration of Muslim women, it is probably a good idea to check her accomplishments. Pervez Musharraf may have done more for Pakistani women's rights on the issue of rape than Benazir Bhutto ever did.
8. Pakistan is not part of the Middle East; it is part of the South Asian sub-continent. This distinction matters for understanding the history, culture, and society of Pakistan.
Labels: failed states, pakistan, press, south asia